Dear Principal, distinguished students,

I am honoured to be here at the renowned Shevchenko University and to meet all of you today. I know that this is one of the most respected institutions in all of Ukraine.

As President of the Storting – the Norwegian Parliament - I have a special interest in the role of young people in our democracy. Which is why I am so glad that our official visit to Ukraine could include a meeting with you students in order to hear your views and perspectives.

After all, the way you look at Ukraine and the world will be essential to shaping your country’s future. Dear Principal, I am therefore very grateful that you have organized this event for us.

I am in Ukraine on the generous invitation of Mr. Andriy Parubiy, Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada. I have brought with me quite a large delegation, representing three different political parties in our parliament. And actually I am no less than the third official visitor from Norway this month alone – two weeks ago our Foreign Minister was here, and last week our Minister of Trade and Industry visited Kiev.

The general backdrop to Norway’s substantial engagement for Ukraine is the dramatic events following the Euromaidan revolution in 2014. Norway then joined the EU and the US in condemning Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Moscow’s violations of international law in Eastern Ukraine. We have also joined the EU- and US-led restrictive measures against Russia.

Norway has a long history of productive and cooperative relations with Russia in the north, where we share both a land border and a maritime border. We would like that to continue. Still, it was important for us to react against Russia’s clear violations of international law in Ukraine.

Since 2014, Norway has also supported Ukraine’s internal reform process in a number of ways, both financial and practical. After a visit to Ukraine by our Prime Minister, Erna Solberg, in 2014, a so-called ‘Support Package for Ukraine’ was launched. Through this package, Norway supports Ukraine’s energy sector reform, judicial reform, governance and economic reform.

The Storting has contributed actively to the development of Norwegian-Ukrainian relations during the past four years. In 2014, the presidents of the Nordic and Baltic parliaments took the initiative to support the ongoing reform of the Verkhovna Rada. This was before my time as president – I took over only in March this year. The initiative was taken by my predecessor as President, Mr. Olemic Thommessen, who I am happy to have with me in my delegation here today.

Probably the most visible result of this cooperation has been study trips for members of the Verkhovna Rada to the Storting in Oslo. We have organized such visits on three occasions - the last one took place in April this year. The aim has been to show the Ukrainian MPs how our parliament and our democracy work, with the hope that they may find some inspiration from our system in their efforts to reform the Rada. Through the study visits and various other meetings, a considerable percentage of the Rada’s current members have now visited the Storting.

So why have Norway and the Storting undertaken these efforts to support a country with which we used to have relatively limited contacts?

First of all, I should be as honest as to admit that our engagement has not been completely without self-interest. The development of a strong, democratic, prosperous and transparent Ukraine does not only benefit Ukraine itself, but also Europe as a continent and Norway within that. The serious violations of international law that have defined the conflict in Ukraine are a continuing concern. We cannot afford to see these principles challenged. It is natural for Norway in general and the Storting in particular to wish to contribute to the positive development of Europe’s new democracies. 

Secondly, the dialogue with Ukraine has been immensely rewarding for us as well. It has worked as a timely reminder of how painful our own path to democracy was. In today’s Norway, we are proud of our level of democratic development, with high participation, social mobility and equal opportunities, relatively little corruption and a high level of gender equality. Yet that does not mean that we think we have always been perfect, that we are perfect, or that we ever will be perfect.  

For democracy can never be taken for granted. It’s not something that simply is, or can be adopted by law or by statute. Regardless of where we stand on the ladder of democratic development, democracy is hard work, day after day. Consequently, our support for Ukraine is not a one-way process where we think that we can tell you what to do. It is about engaging in a mutually beneficial dialogue about how we may best cultivate and improve something that is difficult and challenging for all of us.

In 2014 - that is, in the year of Ukraine’s Euromaidan revolution - we celebrated the 200-year anniversary of our constitution in Norway. When it was written in 1814, by 112 men in my hometown Eidsvoll, the Norwegian Constitution was the most democratic constitution in the world. Today it is the second oldest still in use. Naturally, we are hugely proud of that.

But despite our fairly democratic constitution, Norway was by no means a truly democratic state in 1814. The emergence of a deeply rooted democratic culture and mindset has not been without diversions or setbacks.

We are convinced that we are better prepared to face threats against our democracy by knowing its past. This includes acknowledging the shadows of Norway’s distant and not-so-distant past: our previous discrimination against minorities, such as the Saami people in the north, in the name of nation building and social welfare; extremist and totalitarian elements in the history of some of our political parties in the 1920s and 1930s; resistance against democratic reform and suffrage on the part of the ruling elite in the late 1800s and the early 1900s.

Another thing that history has taught us is that a truly democratic mindset must be developed from early childhood, in our interaction with family and society; not least through the school system and in our universities. You as students play a critical role in this regard.  

I strongly believe that the importance of what you do – of simply studying - is growing and growing. The late American diplomat Daniel Patrick Moynihan once said that ‘everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not to his own facts’. I completely agree. Unfortunately, we have seen a sad development unfolding in the world over the past few years, where even truth and facts are questioned. As Ukrainians, you probably know this better than anyone. Way too often in the Ukraine conflict, truth has fallen victim to power.

Yet this is a growing challenge in Western Europe as well. Not least, our digital age is changing the framework of our democracies. On the plus side, social media creates new opportunities for political activity in all parts of our population and across borders. Yet there is a risk that people only pay attention to arenas that confirm their own preconceptions; where the authors of these messages have agendas that are not conducive to the genuine exchange of opinion. Sadly, there is increasing evidence that some political leaders are now exploiting this phenomenon to gain influence.

Forgive me if I sound pompous, but I would say that just about your most important job as students is to seek the truth. I don’t mean the kind of truth that you can hold up and say: here it is, once and for all – and those of you who do not see it, are doomed. That kind of truth is called fundamentalism – with all the human suffering that entails.

But the opposite of fundamentalism – extreme relativism – is also a recipe for suffering.  A book title I know states that ‘where nothing is true, everything is possible’. Having no values, questioning basic and evident facts, also opens the door for the abuse of power. So both fundamentalism and excessive relativism lead us astray.

Rather, the truth you should seek as students is like that of a leading star, something that you have to rediscover again and again. You do that by increasing your knowledge, critically weighing arguments, listening to others in a respectful dialogue, while also having the courage to say a clear ‘no’ when the lust for power trumps the honest search for a better society.

Dear Shevchenko students, since 2014 you have experienced serious threats to your country’s independence. When talking about the fight for independence, armed struggle may be what first springs to mind. But military force can only get you so far.

In my view, well-functioning national institutions and a strong commitment to a democratic, open society are more important in the longer perspective. It is my belief that by working for core democratic values, for trust between the government and those governed, and for the rule of law, you also contribute to defending and strengthening Ukraine’s independence.

Freedom of speech is a crucial component here. Because political debates – on social media and elsewhere – are often tougher than they used to be, we must make a special effort to guard ourselves against a situation where young voices are silenced.

The best defence any country can have is when its young people have a strong understanding of democracy and a willingness to defend it. It often strikes me that my three sons take Norwegian democracy for granted. For you, it is obviously not like that. But by studying and by engaging actively with your society, you lay the foundation for becoming your country’s most important champions of democracy. 

Thank you for your attention. I will now be happy to take some questions – and I would love to ask you some questions as well.

Questions for the students:

• In your opinion, what are the biggest remaining obstacles for Ukraine in building a strong, transparent democracy governed by the rule of law?
• What role do students and young people in today’s Ukraine play to improve your society?
• Do you feel that your opinions are heard?
• In your opinion, what would be the best way out of the conflict with Russia?
• How may Norway and Western countries best assist your country in your reform process?
• Is it hard to raise your voice? Do you experience harsh or cruel criticism, or is the debate open and inviting?